Planners claim it costs more to provide
urban services to low-density areas, so compact development is more
affordable. This claim comes from the report The Costs of Sprawl 2000,
which states that low-density development adds a whopping $11,000 to the
cost of a new single-family home.
However, this is peanuts compared to
what
Randle O’Tool reports in his enlightening report,
The Planning Penalty.
Government data shows a nice “middle managers” house with four bedrooms and
two-and-one-half baths and a double car garage, costs between $150,000 and
$200,000 in American cities having no
smart growth or growth-management
planning. The price for that same
house jumps to $300,000 to 440,000 if that type of planning has been
in place for ten to fifteen years. In cities having this planning for
twenty-five years or more, the same house costs a staggering $500,000 to as
much as $1.5 million.
During the 1990s, the amount of housing stock sold in the United States was
slightly more than five percent each year. If the average home is resold or
replaced every twenty years, the annual cost of growth-management planning
to homebuyers is nearly $275 billion.
Leaving out the overpricing of and-short metro areas such as
Honolulu, the total planning penalty for the 120 metro areas with such
penalties is close to $5.5 trillion, or slightly more than 30 percent of the
total value of U.S. owner-occupied housing. We can only expect these costs
to grow as more and more communities buy into the smart growth fraud.
O’Tool identifies at least ten causes that create this planning penalty:
This reality points out an ugly fact
about smart growth. It destroys the American Dream for millions of low to
middle income Americans. Although smart growth proponents advocate
land-use control as a means of providing afford-able housing, it punishes
low-income families, keeping them from ever being able to afford a home of
their own and denying them the American Dream. According to the
Heritage Foundation,
home ownership rates among
African-American and His-panic families are still
below 50 percent, in contrast to the nearly 75 percent ownership rates among
white house-holds. The very fashionable Fauquier County, Virginia, which has
imposed severe growth restrictions and limits on home-building,
has seen its African-American population
fall both relatively and absolutely over the decade of the 1990s.
Urban planning has
failed miserably in providing affordable housing. As a rule, more dense
areas cost more to build in, tend to have higher taxes, higher levels of
pollution, and a higher cost of living. The
Heritage Foundation
reports that; “Data indicate that housing affordability in Portland, Oregon
(percentage of households that can afford the median priced home) dropped 56
percent from 1991 to 2000, the largest reduction of any major urban area in
the nation! Portland's home ownership rate fell as a result.” The poor, of
course, suffer the most in this kind of failed policy.
Families no longer able to afford single-family homes in Portland have to
move into “affordable” multifamily units. These units are often subsidized –
at taxpayers expense – by the very government that created the shortage in
the first place by imposing smart growth regulations. During 1992-97, the
number of housing permits issued for multifamily units doubled from 25
percent to 49 percent. Those communities and cities
employing smart growth are in fact willfully using the law to plunder, if
not criminally extort their citizens. It systematically destroys the hopes
and aspirations of the lower income class and those unfortunate souls whom
the community targets for destruction.
Smart growth advocates usually blame
housing affordability problems on demand. If that were true, then
prices of houses would be much higher in Houston, Atlanta and Raleigh, which
are among the nation’s fastest growing cities. But they are orders of
magnitude less than in San Diego and San Jose, which are growing very
slowly.
|

Only
about six percent of the United States is classified by the U.S.
Census Bureau as developed and less than three percent is classed as
urban. Nearly 95 percent of America is rural.
Source: Census 2000 Urban and Rural Classification, Census
2000, U.S. Census Bureau, Oct. 24, 2002. http://www.census.gov/geo/www/ua/ua_2k.html |
The
paranoia about the need to control growth is a constant drumbeat of those
promoting urban planning. They claim America is rapidly losing its farmland
and open space. Yet, the U.S. Bureau of Census classifies about 6 percent of
the U.S. as being developed and 3 percent as urban using the
2002 corrected data. Even
in the densely populated east, both New York and Pennsylvania are only 10
percent developed. New Jersey, the most developed state, has only 30 percent
of its land developed. To top it all off,
The National Center for Policy Analysis
found that less than one-quarter of the loss in farmland since 1945 is due
to urbanization, and the rate of loss has been dropping since the 1960s. To
state it in the simplest possible terms, there is no problem with sprawl.
For
decades urban planners have adhered to the mantra that urban sprawl
increases pollution and housing costs, more driving time to work and
shopping, stress, and the escalating consumption of scarce farmland and open
space. Urban planning to implement smart growth supposedly corrects these
problems and creates more livable, inexpensive homes for all. Irrefutable
evidence, however, shows that urban planning creates the very nightmares it
is supposed to eliminate. In the process, it strips urbanites of one of
their most fundamental civil liberties – property rights.
The
presumption that low-density residential development means more pollution,
more congestion and fewer preserved natural resources is blatantly false.
Likewise, the belief that higher-density compact development mitigates those
impacts is false. Increasing population density does little to alleviate
auto-caused smog. Urban and suburban areas with the lowest population
densities have the fewest air pollution problems.
Population density or compactness also has
little relationship
to how much commuters depend on automobiles. More than 75 percent of
commuter trips are by car – even in urban areas. Thus, any planning strategy
that attempts to increase population density usually leads to more traffic
congestion and stalled traffic. This
exacerbates air pollution
levels and potentially causes more areas to fail federal clean air goals.
This, in turn requires regulations that are even more restrictive.
Portland, Oregon,
the model for urban planning, has had the most stringent land-use plans in
the U.S. since the 1970s. Portland’s March 16, 1996 Regional
Transportation Update boldly proclaimed that, “Congestion
signals positive urban development.”
As if that were not bad enough, Portland’s 1999 Regional Transportation
Plan proclaims that, “Transportation
solutions aimed solely at relieving congestion are inappropriate.”
When confronted with the question of why the agency found high levels of
congestion to be acceptable, its leading transportation planner replied that
any effort to relieve congestion “would
eliminate transit ridership.” In
other words, light rail and smart growth have become ends unto themselves,
unrelated to solving urban problems.
In implementing
its plan, Portland has stopped building highways and instead has built two
light commuter rails that failed to achieve their goals.
Transit commuter use actually dropped 20
percent from 1980 to 1991.
Additionally, in spite of the severe hardship imposed on those who want to
use automobiles, the Portland area experienced the largest increase in
automobile use per capita from 1990 to 1999 of any U.S. urban area with more
than one million people.
The
same is true for alternative transit methods. San Francisco's proposed Third
Street light rail line, for instance, costs $40.50 per ride, which is equal
to $18,225 annually per new commuter. Notes the
Heritage Foundation:
For the same money, each new commuter could lease a
new Pontiac Grand Am throughout the "life" of the rail system and pay for
more than 100,000 miles of air travel at the average ticket rate each year.
Alternatively, one could lease the Grand Am and use the remainder of the
annual subsidy for the average mortgage payment in the nation's most
expensive housing market.
At
least nineteen states have state growth-management laws or task forces to
ostensibly protect farmland and open space. Dozens of cities and counties
have adopted urban growth boundaries to contain development and prevent the
spread of urbanization to outlying and rural areas. The Department of
Housing and Urban Development (HUD) partially funded a 2002 report called
Growing Smart
Legislative Guidebook: Model Statutes for Planning and the Management of
Change. In 2003 Congress considered
passing “The
Community Character Act,” which
proposed to fund state and local efforts to reform their land use planning
process to conform more closely to smart growth policies. The Act did not
pass, but it will come up again. Count on it.
The
Legislative Guidebook
calls for using federal funding as a carrot to mandate a more restrictive
“integrated state-regional-local planning system that is both vertically and
horizontally consistent.” Vertically and horizontally consistent, in turn,
means total government control from the federal government to the local
community across America.
Contrary to the dogma that condemns sprawl as somehow evil,
Randal O’Tool
makes these germane observations: