How to Use the Members Only Section

SEARCH DTT

DIGEST

NEWSBYTES

by date

ANALYSES

KEY DOCUMENTS

Jiang-Yeltsin Joint Statement 

Jiang-Putin Beijing Declaration

UN International Financial Architecture

DTT INFORMATION

Discerning the Times  

  •  
    6 Heather Road
  • Bangor, ME 04401
     

    Phone

    (207) 945-9878

     

    email
    DTT@discerningtoday.org
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
    Volume 2, Issue 5, May 2000

     

    Russia and China, War or Peace?

    Following a month and a half of intense, but promising negotiations earlier this year, the Yeltsin-Jiang offer to help the West create global governance collapsed on February 20. The offer had been made in a joint statement on December 9, 1999, by Presidents Boris Yeltsin and Jiang Zemin during their summit in Beijing.

    The choice between peace and war now seems to be in the West’s court.

    The Yeltsin-Jiang offer was to help the West create "rational and thoughtful reform of the UN [that] is conductive to strengthening its authority and role in the world." That offer was directed at the West’s efforts to create global governance, a euphemism for world government. The offer was conditional, however. They demanded each have the right to "safeguard[e] national unity and sovereignty and territorial integrity" over Taiwan and the oil-rich former republics of Russia.

    The offer and condition in the joint statement was carefully placed in the context that Russia and China strongly "oppose the momentum presently preventing the establishment of a just multi-polar structure for international relations." The statement strongly implied the U.S. was "forcing the international community to accept its uni-polar" dominance.

    Until February 20, warm words of praise, partnerships and equality were spoken at press conferences. On February 16 acting president Vladimir Putin, and Lord Robertson, Secretary General of NATO, issued a joint statement that Russia and NATO are ready and willing "to facilitate the construction of a stable and indivisible Europe for the sake of all its peoples." Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov also said: "We see each other as important strategic partners which co-operate in the interests of security in the European continent and the entire world."

    That all changed, however, on February 20 following negotiations between China and the U.S. led by one-worlder Strobe Talbot. By February 21, extreme hostility suddenly entered the rhetoric from China and Russia. China declassified a top-secret military strategy document that threatened to blow the U.S. off the face of the earth if we interfered with its efforts to take back Taiwan. China claimed, "So far we have built up the capability for the second and third nuclear strikes and are fairly confident in fighting a nuclear war." The report even claimed China could conquer Taiwan in three days.

    On February 22 Russia openly said it would attack the Republic of Georgia if it didn’t stop helping the Chechen rebels. On March 2 China and Russia announced that they were "deepening and extending the content of the Sino-Russian strategic partnership" developed during the Yeltsin-Jiang Summit on December 9-10, 1999. While the details of that partnership, called the Military Cooperation Treaty, have yet to be made public, the agreement is designed to end the "unipolar" dominance of the U.S. over the rest of the world.

    The negotiations that had seemed so promising in early February had collapsed, leading to a game of global chicken between the West and Russia and China over the southern Russian Republics, Taiwan and the Spratly Islands. Verbal attacks by China on Taiwan reached crescendo prior to the presidential elections on May 18.

    After Chen Shui-bian won the presidency, China issued Taiwan an ultimatum--Chen must accept the "one-China" principle by his inauguration on May 20, or China would attack shortly thereafter. A secret Pentagon Report had been leaked on March 31 stating that Taiwan was indeed vulnerable to an attack by China, making such an attack seem feasible.

    By April 19 China quietly let it be known that it had established military fortifications on the hotly contested Spratly Islands between Vietnam, Malaysia and the Philippines. If this goes unchallenged, as it has so far, it will provide China the ability to control the trade and military shipping routes of the South China Sea. Conversely, NATO began to force its influence into Ukraine, Georgia and Azerbaijan, culminating on April 27 when NATO announced that Georgia would join NATO. At the same time the West in general, and the U.S. specifically, made an all-out effort to entice the Central Asia republics east of the Caspian Sea into the Western camp, apparently in an effort to lock Russia out of what it views as its own oil.

    By mid-April, events in Russia and China were reaching critical mass. With nearly 300,000 Russian troops poised just north of Azerbaijan and Georgia, and another 300,000 troops being positioned in Belarus along the Polish border, on April 21 Putin quietly threw down the gauntlet and issued a sharp warning for the West to stay out of Russia’s oil rich republics. At the same time, however, he also extended an olive branch. Putin opened the door to the possible cooperative exploitation of the oil resources with the West by "defining the balance of the interests of the state [Russia] and [oil] companies."

    At the same time, Putin began to draw the Russian republics back into the fold. On May 1 the Central Asian republics of Kyrgyzstan, the region’s most democratic and pro-Western state, Kazakstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan stunned the West by serving notice to Washington that they were aligning themselves with Russia, not the West. This was quickly followed on May 5 with an announcement by Putin that Ukraine was joining the ongoing reunification of Russia and its western republic of Belarus. Putin had successfully outmaneuvered the West in securing all but two of its southern republics.

    The two republics still in question are Georgia and Azerbaijan. These two republics have been at the center of the bitter West-Russian firestorm since 1991. The West has been negotiating with Azerbaijan and Georgia to build a pipeline from the Caspian Sea to western Georgia. From there the oil would either be shipped across the black sea to Bulgaria where it would be piped across Kosovo to Albania and the Adriatic Sea, or a pipeline would be built south from Georgia across Turkey to the port of Ceyhan on the Mediterranean Sea. Russia believes that the Kosovo bombing was Slobodan Milosevic’s punishment for saying no to the West for this pipeline.

    Since his inauguration on May 7, Putin has consolidated his power over the far-flung Russian republics by dividing Russia into seven administrative regions. He will soon have the ability to fire recalcitrant presidents of any republic. And, by May 22, he stunned the world by putting together a fully operating government–something that should have taken months to do.

    Both Russia and China (and North Korea) are in a position where they can make war or peace. All three nations have two foreign policies in place. One to develop international trade if peace prevails. The other to militarily take what they want, if peaceful resolution is not possible, while positioning themselves to become major world traders following what they believe will be a limited war.

    The choice between peace and war now seems to be in the West’s court. Indeed, the West seems to be in a more conciliatory mood. Nothing more has been said about Georgia joining NATO. On May 19, U.S. Secretary of State Berger and newly confirmed Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov exchanged the first really warm words since the February 20 collapse of negotiations. In addition, China suddenly reversed its policy 180o on May 22 when it announced it believed " Beijing could do business with Chen and would be patient as his policies toward the mainland took shape." These very recent developments seem to suggest that a new deal may be in the making.

    The key for Russia will be Azerbaijan and Georgia. If these two vital republics continue to hold out, Russia will be forced to act. Similarly, while Taiwan is not actively seeking independence, neither are they adopting China’s definition of the "one China" principle. Since Chinese President Jiang Zemin announced on May 4 he would retire in 2002 and have the Taiwan issue fully resolved by that time means action has to happen now to meet his self-imposed deadline.

    What is most disturbing is not what we do know, but what we don’t know. We don’t know, for instance, the details of the Yeltsin-Jiang Military Cooperation Treaty. We do know, however, it is a global strategy to neutralize America’s dominance over the world. Discerning the Times Digest is concerned it may be an agreement to launch simultaneous attacks against Azerbaijan-Georgia and Taiwan making it more difficult for the U.S. to deal with. Especially if North Korea attacked South Korea at the same time.

    Of greatest concern, however, is the new military doctrines of both Russia and China. Although it is less certain with Russia, the military doctrines of both countries now permit terrorism using weapons of mass destruction against a superior force in order, as Russia states, "to repulse armed aggression [when] all other means of resolving the crisis have been exhausted."

    This raises the horrifying prospect that they would use these terrorist weapons in the U.S. to throw America into chaos thereby keeping us from coming to the aid of Taiwan, South Korea or Azerbaijan-Georgia. By blaming the terrorism on Osama bin Laden, they have an excellent chance of succeeding.

    That monstrous scenario assumes, of course, that Russia and China believe they have to use military means to take back Georgia-Azerbaijan and Taiwan. Only Russia, China and North Korea know for sure.

    The lives of perhaps millions of Americans hang on what these nations do. If ever there was a time to pray, this is it. V mc