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| New American, August 17, 1997
Volume 13(17):11-18 |
Globalized Grizzlies,
by Michael S. Coffman, PHD
On June 17th, the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service
(FWS) conducted
a public hearing in Bozeman, Montana regarding the proposed Grizzly Bear Recovery Plan.
That plan would create 32 million acres of "protected recovery zones" in at
least six regions, which would be connected by migratory corridors ¾
one of which is 240 miles long. It also called for the recovery of all grizzly bear
populations in Montana, Wyoming, Idaho, Washington, and possibly Colorado, and the
eventual connection of "island" bear populations with other grizzly populations
across the affected areas.
Obviously, such an ambitious plan is fraught with implications
for private property rights, economic development, the security of livestock, and even the
physical safety of residents in the affected areas. Curiously, however, the FWS did not
bother to inform any of the affected parties. Representatives of natural resource
industries and local landowners were not notified of the hearing at all and were denied
information about the meeting until they found out about it from independent sources.
However, six weeks before the scheduled meeting, the FWS
solicited testimony from self-described environmental groups about the proposed recovery
plan. Among those invited to create public policy were the Greater Yellowstone Coalition,
the Sierra Club, the Wilderness Society, and Wild Forever.
The FWS tapped Louisa Willcox, a founder of the eco-terrorist
group Earth First! and project coordinator for Wild Forever, to preside over the meeting's
speaker agenda. In a coordinated fashion, environmental groups asked that roadless areas
be kept roadless, that roaded public lands be reduced below one mile of road per square
mile, that grizzly bear recovery zones be doubled in size to over 50,000 square miles,
that grizzly bear habitat be connected with corridors, and that grizzly bear food sources
and habitat be protected from human disturbance.
While eco-terrorists and their allies were treated with
respectful attention by the FWS, the original agenda of the meeting was intended to
prevent property owners and resource industry spokesmen from testifying. It was only
through the persistence of Joe Beardsley, a private citizen, that the FWS was shamed into
giving him and a few other local citizens about 30 minutes for spontaneous testimony ¾ a token concession at best, given the well-orchestrated five-hour
tag-team effort by the radical environmentalists.
The June 17th meeting typifies the method of
"governance" being devised to implement radical environmental policies across
the United States, and the demands presented by the federally approved eco-radicals are in
harmony with a long-term design to eradicate private property and industrial civilization
from at least half of the continental U.S. That design entails the systematic subversion
of the U.S. Constitution and the surrender of our sovereignty to the United Nations in the
name of protecting "biodiversity."
From Rumor to Reality
During a March 7th White House press conference, journalist Sara McClendon asked the
President to rebuke the "rumor mongerers" who were irresponsibly subverting
public serenity by spreading stories that the Administration is surrendering U.S.
sovereignty to the United Nations. "Large segments of our citizens believe that the
United Nations is taking over whole blocks of counties in Kentucky and Tennessee,"
McClendon pointed out. Amid snickers from the assembled reporters ¾
which he had abetted with his theatrical display of incredulity ¾
Mr. Clinton responded, "We're all laughing about it, but there is not an
insubstantial number of people who believe that there is a plan out there for world
domination and I'm trying to give American sovereignty over to the UN." Having
invited the press to ridicule such apprehensions, Mr. Clinton promptly proceeded to
vindicate them: "For people that are worried about it, I would say there is a serious
issue here that every American has to come to grips with ... and that is, how can we be an
independent, sovereign nation leading the world in a world that is increasingly
interdependent, that requires us to cooperate with other people and then to deal with very
difficult circumstances in trying to determine how best to cooperate?"
Mr. Clinton's response might well have been adapted from Our
Global Neighborhood, the 1995 report from the UN-funded Commission on Global Governance,
which asserts that a "thickening web of interdependence requires that countries work
together .... In an increasingly interdependent world ... the notions of territoriality,
independence, and non-intervention have lost some of their meaning. In certain areas,
sovereignty must be exercised collectively, particularly in respect to the global
commons" ¾ that is, the global environment. The UN and
the Clinton Administration share the assumption that the management of the
"commons" requires the incremental surrender of U.S. sovereignty and the
restructuring of the American way of life.
It was that assumption that led to the Administration's decision
to ask the UN to designate Yellowstone National Park and Everglades National Park as
"World Heritage Sites in Danger" ¾ thus imposing new
restrictions on human use of those sites. The same vision of collective management of the
"global commons" informs the deliberations of the President's Council on
Sustainable Development (PCSD), which is weaving UN guidelines into U.S. policies on land
use, resource development, and population. And, notwithstanding Mr. Clinton's evasions,
there is indeed a master plan behind the Administration's environmental agenda ¾ if not a plan for "world domination," then at least a
plan to eradicate modern industrial civilization.
Back to 1492
The master plan is called the "Wildlands Project," a grandiose design to
transform at least half the land area of the continental United States into an immense
"eco-park" cleansed of modern industry and private property. The Wildlands
concept is largely the work of Dave Foreman, the principal founder of the eco-terrorist
group Earth First! Foreman describes the Wildlands Project as an effort to "tie the
North American continent into a single Biodiversity Preserve"; the Project's official
publication, Wild Earth, refers to a "long-term master plan" to connect
ecosystems throughout the continent "until the matrix, not just the nexus, is
wild." Foreman summarizes Wildlands as "a bold attempt to grope our way back to
1492" ¾ that is, to repeal a half-millennium of biblical
civilization, with its unique blessings of material prosperity, technological progress,
private property, and individual rights.
According to Foreman, Wildlands activists would "identify
existing protected areas" such as federal and state wilderness areas, parks, refuges,
and other designated sites; such tracts would serve as "core areas" completely
off-limits to human activity. Then the agitators would demand the creation of "buffer
zones" to protect the core areas. Wildlands architect Reed Noss explains that in both
the core and buffer areas, "the collective needs of non-human species must take
precedence over the needs and desires of humans."
The next step is to create "wildlife corridors"
connecting the protected areas. Once this is accomplished, according to Foreman, Wildlands
activists would "look for gaps between wild lands or public lands" for future
acquisition "by public agencies or by private groups like the Nature
Conservancy." In this way, private lands would be steadily absorbed into the
Wildlands scheme "until the matrix, not just the nexus, is wild."
John Davis, editor of Wild Earth, acknowledges that the Wildlands
Project seeks nothing less than "the end of industrial civilization .... Everything
civilized must go...." In this bizarre scheme, human civilization must be radically
reconfigured, roads must be torn from the landscape, and human populations must be
relocated. All of this is to be done, according to Wildlands board member Michael
Soule,
in harmony with a prophetic vision: "The oracles are the fishes of the river, the
fishers of the forest, and articulate toads. Our naturalists and conservation biologists
can help us translate their utterances. Our spokespersons, fund-raisers, and grass-roots
organizers will show us how to implement their sage advice." All of this could be
dismissed as flatly ridiculous, were it not for three ominous facts:
· First, the Wildlands Project can boast scores
of affiliates who are (in Foreman's words) developing "Wilderness Recovery Networks
on the regional and ecosystem level using the [Wildlands] model ... so that such plans can
dovetail into similar plans for adjacent regions until the continent-wide plan is
assembled." In other words, Wildlands isn't just a malignant daydream, but an
unfolding campaign that is speeding across America like a cancer.
· Second, the UN Convention on Biodiversity, which was signed by Bill
Clinton in 1993 but has yet to be ratified by the Senate, effectively mandates
implementation of the Wildlands Project.
· Third, despite the refusal of the Senate to ratify the Biodiversity
Treaty, the Clinton Administration is eagerly implementing its provisions through
executive action and bureaucratic fiat.
Nature Knows Best?!
On January 19, 1996, President Clinton issued Executive Order (EO) 12986, which stated, in
part: "I hereby extend to the International Union for Conservation of Nature and
Natural Resources [IUCN] the privileges and immunities that provide or pertain to immunity
from suit .... This designation is not intended to abridge in any respect privileges,
exemptions, or immunities that the International Union for the Conservation of Nature and
Natural Resources may have acquired or may acquire by international agreements or by
congressional action." Few Americans have ever heard of EO 12986; fewer still could
identify the IUCN or explain why it merited such privileged treatment by the President.
Simply put, the IUCN is one of the UN's major instruments in creating and implementing
global environmental policy ¾ and Mr. Clinton's executive
order was intended to insulate it from legal accountability.
The IUCN is an accredited scientific advisory body to the United
Nations, and has more than 880 state and federal governmental agency and non-governmental
organization (NGO) members in 133 countries. As of fiscal year 1993, the IUCN was
receiving over $1.2 million annually in taxpayer subsidies by way of the U.S. State
Department. The body's official mission is "to influence, encourage and assist
societies throughout the world to conserve the integrity and diversity of nature and to
ensure that any use of natural resources is equitable and ecologically sustainable."
Of course, the IUCN promotes a very peculiar vision of
"equity," "sustainability," and natural "diversity." The
Spring 1996 issue of the IUCN's Ethics Working Group's publication, Earth Ethics, candidly
admits that the IUCN "promotes alternative models for sustainable communities and
lifestyles, based in ecospiritual practice and principles ... to accelerate our transition
to a just and sustainable future ... humanity must undergo a radical change in its
attitudes, values, and behavior .... In response to this situation, a new global ethics is
taking form, and it is finding expression in international law."
Despite its pretensions to being a scientific body, the IUCN
eschews the scientific method when doing so is convenient. The organization's Commission
on Environmental Strategy and Planning (CESP), for example, claims a mandate to
"change human behavior" by using a strategy "based less on the facts ...
than on the values they hold." Indeed, the IUCN's entire approach to conserving the
"integrity and diversity of nature" is based not on facts, but on essentially
religious theories of conservation biology and "island biogeography." Those
theories are themselves rooted in a version of pantheism ¾ the
belief that nature is God and therefore knows best, and that all human activity leads to
"fragmentation" of ecosystems, which in turn leads to a depletion of
biodiversity. Fragmentation leaves "islands" of undisturbed ecosystems that
supposedly are too small to maintain biodiversity. Protecting and expanding those
"islands" of biodiversity thus becomes imperative, as does connecting those
"islands" by "wildlife corridors"; thus the basic template of the
Wildlands Project is directly derived from the 1UCN's "ecospiritual"
assumptions.
From Myth to Public Policy
The idea that the continent was an unspoiled, verdant paradise teeming with
biodiversity before the advent of the Europeans has a certain romance, and it is easy to
sell that fantasy to the ill-informed urban and suburban populations who provide much of
the political support for radical environmentalism. But fantasy makes a poor foundation
for public policy, and top peer-reviewed scientists have dispelled the myths behind the
IUCN's "ecospiritual" science. In 1986, B.L. Zimmerman and R.O. Bierregaard
published a highly critical analysis of this approach in the Journal of Biogeography.
"The equilibrium theory of island biogeography and associated species area relations
have been promoted as theoretical bases for design of nature [wilderness] reserves,"
note the well-respected authors. "However, the theory has not been properly validated
and the practical value of biogeographic principles for conservation remains
unknown." In simpler terms, the assumption that human activity has
"fragmented" vast, connected ecosystems has never been scientifically
corroborated.
Similar admissions have come from noted conservation biologists
who are sympathetic to the IUCN's basic assumptions. In 1992, conservation biologists
Daniel Simberloff, James Farr, James Cox, and David Mehlman acknowledged in the Journal of
Conservation Biology that even while the IUCN was popularizing island biogeography and the
need for reserves and corridors, "the theory was increasingly heavily criticized ...
as inapplicable to most of nature, largely because local population extinction was not
demonstrated .... No unified theory combines genetic, demographic, and other forces
threatening small populations, nor is there accord on the relative importance of these
threats .... There are still few data, and many widely cited reports are
unconvincing." A similar finding was published by Richard Hobbs in Tree magazine.
According to Hobbs, "natural corridors, along with other principles of reserve
design, have been quoted in policy documents and textbooks, despite being supported by few
empirical [real] data at the time, and being subject to considerable debate since."
In other words, there is simply no reliable scientific evidence
to support the IUCN's basic assumptions. In fact, over the past half-dozen years, abundant
research has clearly shown that in most cases, creating wilderness core reserves and
corridors causes critical biological diversity to plummet. In spite of all this, the IUCN
has developed and heavily promoted both its own unreliable theories of conservation
biology since the 1970s, and played a key role in the development of the Wildlands Project
as a means of implementing those theories.
The Wildlands Project requires the designation of "core
areas" around which can be constructed the network of "buffer zones" and
"wildlife corridors" that will reprimitivize the land. This is why the
IUCN,
acting upon its own discredited scientific theories, helped develop and promote the
UNESCO-sponsored Man and Biosphere Program (MAB) and the UN's World Heritage Convention,
Convention on Biological Diversity, and Convention on Desertification ¾
all of which are intended to be vehicles for transforming the IUCN/UN
"ecospiritual" view into law.
The IUCN is obviously less interested in "facts" than
in "values," and the organization and its allies perceive themselves to be a
priestly elite. In the very first issue of the IUCN journal Conservation Biology, this
elitist arrogance is on full display: "By joining together those who are [wise], the
worst biological disaster in the last 65 million years can be averted. We assume that
environmental wounds inflicted by ignorant humans and destructive technologies can be
treated by wiser humans."
The IUCN-inspired college textbook Conservation Biology reveals
that these "wiser humans" are literally at war with "ignorant humans":
"Conservation biology is a crisis discipline. Warfare is the epitome of a crisis
discipline. On a battlefield you are justified in firing on the advancing enemy."
Of particular concern is the fact that the IUCN has conscripted
various federal agencies and NGOs as allies into its war against "ignorant
humans," and the IUCN's coalition is developing joint strategies to implement the
"ecospiritual" theology through international law. Through the IUCN, government
agencies such as the U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service, the Park Service, the Forest
Service, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), and the Environmental
Protection Agency (EPA) can huddle in private with the Society of Conservation Biology,
the Sierra Club, the Nature Conservancy, the National Wildlife Federation, the National
Audubon Society, the Natural Resources Defense Council, and the Environmental Defense Fund
to develop strategies for the implementation of their shared religious beliefs. And
through EO 12986, the IUCN was immunized from legal accountability for any injuries it
inflicts on private property owners in the course of its war against "ignorant
humans."
The World Heritage Treaty
As noted above, IUCN has been instrumental in creating and promoting the U.S. government's
Man and Biosphere Program (MAB) and the World Heritage Convention, and both of those
international agreements have proven quite useful in implementing the Wildlands agenda.
Areas that are inscribed as MAB or World Heritage Sites are prime candidates to become
"core areas" for the Wildlands Project. This is especially true of Heritage
sites. As was pointed out in the October 6, 1992 issue of Environment magazine,
designation of Heritage sites "constitutes a unique precedent [as it] implies what
might be called a voluntary limitation of sovereignty" and a recognition that
"other countries have, through the [World Heritage] convention, an obligation ¾ and therefore a right ¾ toward these
sites."
The World Heritage Convention was ratified by the Senate in 1973;
the MAB program was unilaterally implemented by the State Department through
"memoranda of understandings" without input or oversight by Congress. Both
programs have been secretly implemented by federal and state bureaucrats in collusion with
NGOs and with little or no input from local citizenry ¾ and
such secrecy is actually mandated by policy guidelines. Paragraph 14 of the 1994
Operational Guidelines for the World Heritage Convention states, "To avoid possible
embarrassment to those concerned, state parties [to the convention] should refrain from
giving undue publicity to the fact that a property has been nominated for inscription
pending the final decision of the committee on the nomination in question. "In other
words, the UN insists that sites be nominated for international control without public
notice ¾ meaning that U.S. citizens can wake up one morning to
discover that their back yard has been designated a UN Heritage site.
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Even more ominous
is the fact that the UN claims the right of circumventing elected representatives
altogether in designating Biosphere Reserves. UNESCO's 1995 Seville Agreement for
Biosphere Reserves states that "national or local NGOs could be appropriate
substitutes" for national or local governments in identifying and designating such
sites. In practice, this would empower unaccountable eco-socialist lobbies such as the
Sierra Club, the National Wildlife Federation, and others to actually substitute for
elected federal and local governments in designating and administering Biosphere Reserves.
Through such secretive machinations, an archipelago of 47 Biosphere Reserves and 20 World
Heritage Sites occupying over 50 million acres of U.S. soil has already been established
without local participation or congressional oversight.
In the mid-1980s, as a result of this covert campaign, entrance
signs to national parks and monuments suddenly announced that those areas had been
designated as UN Biosphere Reserves or World Heritage Sites. Given that these designations
had ¾ in compliance with UN guidelines ¾
been arranged in secret without public input, they alarmed the public, and rumors began to
spread that our Parks and Monuments had been surrendered to UN control. This is not
entirely true: The relevant documents concerning these programs specify that the U.S.
maintains sovereignty within the designated areas.
However, this begs the question: How is "sovereignty"
defined in this context? While there is no evidence that the United Nations has ever made
a direct management decision for any U.S. sites, it is clear that the federal government
bound itself to international agreements stipulating that the United States would manage
these lands according to international dictates in order to achieve certain international
goals and objectives. In other words, the United States has agreed to limit its right of
sovereignty over these lands by deferring to international mandates. In effect, the
federal government is implementing mandates from the UN, just as state governments are
compelled to implement unconstitutional mandates from the federal government.
Trumping U.S. Law
An example of this process in action unfolded in 1995, when George Frampton, Under
Secretary of Interior and past president of the Wilderness Society, invited a delegation
from the United Nations into Yellowstone National Park for the specific purpose of
declaring Yellowstone a World Heritage Site "in danger." The declaration was
intended to stop the development of a gold mine located about five miles from the
northeast corner of Yellowstone National Park. Providing "pressure from below"
on behalf of the UN/Clinton Administration initiative was a group of more than a dozen
environmental groups that called itself the Greater Yellowstone Coalition, which
"petitioned" for the site to be recognized by the UN as "in danger."
This effort was undertaken, as environmental analyst Alston Chase
observed, because the Clinton Administration feared that "U.S. law would not prevent
a planned gold mine near Yellowstone National Park...." The company seeking to build
the mine was in compliance with both state and federal guidelines, and was nearing
completion of the torturous, two-year process of filing state and federal environmental
impact statements. Accordingly, the Clintonites and their eco-extremist allies simply
threw out U.S. law and enlisted the UN to shut down the mine in the name of enforcing
global law.
"As ratified by Congress, the provisions of the World
Heritage Treaty have the force and statutory authority of federal law," insisted
Yellowstone Park Superintendent Mike Finley. "By inviting the committee to visit the
park and assess the mine's potential impacts, the Interior Department acted as it was
legally required to do." Finley failed to explain why the Park Service automatically
assumes that the provisions of the World Heritage Treaty, which lacks federal implementing
legislation, nonetheless have the force and statutory authority of federal law. He also
declined to enlighten the public as to why the Park Service waited two years before
requesting a review of the mine by the World Heritage Committee ¾
then did so only after it became apparent that the state and federal environmental studies
would likely find no environmental problems with the mine development.
Property Rights Peril
UNESCO's December 1995 designation of Yellowstone as a World Heritage Site "in
danger" did much more than merely shut down a gold mine; it also opened the door for
the federal government to redefine land-use policy for all private property in what was
called the "Greater Yellowstone Ecosystem." The area originally affected by the
planned designation was a mere 4,400 acres of federal land near the park. In August 1995,
a presidential decree materialized in the Federal Register more than quadrupling the
affected acreage: 19,000 acres were to be declared off limits to mining permits. However,
as environmental attorney William Perry Pendley points out, UNESCO sought to review all
policies dealing with mining, timber, wildlife, and tourism within the newly designated
"core area" ¾ "which takes in about 75 percent
of the economy" ¾ and also the impact of human activity
in the "Greater Yellowstone Ecosystem" which includes the two million acres of
the park and the 18 million acres surrounding it. "If the UN is given the power to
set policy in Yellowstone and the region," Pendley warned, "property rights will
be in peril throughout the Western United States...."
The same strategy has been used elsewhere. In 1993, Everglades
National Park was recognized by the World Heritage Committee as a Heritage Site "in
danger." Since that time, farmers north of the Everglades have been besieged by an
onslaught of regulations and restrictions that have shut down scientifically sound
agricultural conservation practices. In keeping with the disdain for hard science
displayed by the IUCN, the Park Service, Vice President Gore, and radical environmental
organizations have indulged in high-octane rhetoric about the threats to an
"international heritage site belonging to all people" that have supposedly
resulted from irresponsible use of surrounding private property.
In a fashion reminiscent of the Soviet Union, the eco-bureaucracy
punished a scientist whose findings were at odds with public policy regarding the
Everglades. Dr. Curtis Richardson of Duke University, who had been given a federal
contract to study the magnitude of the pollution problem in the Everglades, was suddenly
terminated in 1991 after his study concluded that the "Everglades have been, and are
now, receiving excellent quality water." Upstream farming, in other words, was not
significantly contributing to the problem. Had the Park Service accepted Dr. Richardson's
findings, it would not have been able to justify the "in danger" status for the
park. Accordingly, it dismissed the study, fired Dr. Richardson, and ¾
in a gesture worthy of Stalin ¾ barred the researcher from
entering the park.
Not surprisingly, both Biosphere Reserves and World Heritage
Sites are strategically linked to the Wildlands Project. The MAB Strategic Plan specifies:
"Each biosphere reserve includes three types of areas: one or more securely
'Protected Areas,' [Core Reserves] such as wilderness areas or nature reserves, for
conservation and monitoring of minimally disturbed ecosystems; 'Managed Use Areas,'
[Buffer Zones] usually surrounding or adjoining the protected areas, where experimental
research, educational activities, public recreation, and various economic activities occur
according to ecological principles; and 'Zones of Cooperation,' [Transition Areas] which
are open-ended areas of cooperation .... Connected by corridors judiciously linking
different ecological units within the urban-rural and terrestrial/marine landscape,
biosphere reserves could provide the most viable means for the long-term protection of
biodiversity." It is difficult to find a plainer reiteration of the basic Wildlands
design.
Similarly, paragraphs 17 and 44 from the "Operating
Guidelines" for the World Heritage program stipulate, "An adequate 'buffer zone'
around a property should be provided and should be afforded the necessary protection ....
[Buffer zones] should include sufficient areas immediately adjacent to the area of
outstanding universal value in order to protect the site ... from direct human
encroachment and impacts of resource use outside of the nominated area. The boundaries of
the nominated site may coincide with one or more existing or proposed protected areas,
such as national parks or biosphere reserves."
Biological Diversity
Although proponents of the Wildlands Project are willing to pursue their designs
incrementally, they obviously would prefer the power to implement the entire program
immediately. This was the design behind the UN's Convention on Biological Diversity, which
was signed by President Clinton in 1993. It is therefore highly revealing that the first
goal of the UNESCO Seville Strategy for Biosphere Reserves is to "promote biosphere
reserves as a means of implementing the goals of the [UN] Convention on Biological
Diversity." Similarly, the U.S. Man and the Biosphere Strategy claims that "U.S.
Biosphere Reserves are important areas for developing the data, technology, and experience
needed to implement the recommendations of the United Nations Conference on Environment
and Development that relate to global issues, such as biodiversity, climate change,
desertification, forest management, and sustainable new development."
The Biodiversity
Treaty, which was essentially written for the UN by the IUCN, would permit an undefined
and unaccountable global bureaucracy to regulate all human activity that presents
potential harm to biological diversity. In principle, this mandate would cover all human
activity, given that almost anything that humans do is deemed by the IUCN as harmful to
biological diversity. The text of the treaty itself was merely a skimpy framework, or what
Senator Jesse Helms (R-NC) correctly called "a preamble falsely described as a
treaty." The Senate was asked to authorize the creation of implementing
"protocols" which would be written later and be binding upon the signatories.
The specific terms of the treaty were to be explained in detail in a 1,140-page Global
Biodiversity Assessment (GBA) produced by the IUCN in collaboration with the UN
Environmental Programme (UNEP).
The Senate was poised to ratify the Biodiversity Treaty in
September 1994 when the American Sheep Industry obtained a draft of the GBA from the IUCN.
Section 10.4.2.2.3 of the draft GBA (Section 13.4.2.2.3 in the final document) provided
the "smoking gun": It proved the Wildlands Project to be the template for
protecting biodiversity. To carry out the terms of the Treaty, according to the GBA,
"Representative areas of all major ecosystems in a region need to be reserved,"
and such "[reserved] blocks should be as large as possible ... buffer zones should be
established around core areas and ... corridors should connect these areas. This basic
design is central to the Wildlands Project in the United States ... a controversial ...
strategy ... to expand natural habitats and corridors to cover as much as 30% of the US
land area." In fact, Wildlands would reprimitivize no less than 50 percent of the
U.S. land area.
Hostility to Western Values
In addition, the GBA documented that the Biodiversity Treaty is a testament to the
pantheistic worldview championed by the IUCN and its allies ¾
and that it is militantly hostile to any monotheistic tradition, and to the Bible-based
Western worldview in particular. The biblical worldview, according to the GBA, "is
characterized by the denial of sacred attributes of nature ... [which] became firmly
established about 2000 years [ago] with the Judeo-Christian-Islamic religious traditions
.... Societies dominated by Islam, and especially Christianity, have gone farthest in
setting humans apart from nature."
By way of contrast, the UN study continues, "the worldview
of traditional societies tends to be strikingly different from the modem worldview. They
[IUCN proponents] tend to view themselves as members of a community that not only includes
other humans, but also plants and animals as well as rocks, springs and pools. People are
then members of a community of beings ¾ living and non-living.
Thus rivers may be viewed as mothers. Animals may be treated as kin." Like the
Wildlands Project, which seeks to turn the clock back to the pre-Columbian era, the
Biodiversity Treaty is intended to eradicate Western culture and exalt a pagan worldview
in which humans enjoy no special status in nature.
Hours before the scheduled vote, three groups ¾
the American Sheep Industry, Environmental Perspectives, Inc., and the Maine Conservation
Rights Institute ¾ provided the U.S. Senate with a draft copy
of the GBA, along with maps depicting the impact that implementation of the Wildlands
Project would have on the U.S. The documentation was introduced on the Senate floor by
Senator Kay Bailey Hutchinson (R-TX) on September 30, 1994, one hour before the scheduled
cloture vote that would have cut off all debate on the treaty. Senate Majority Leader
George Mitchell (D-ME) responded by quietly removing the treaty from floor consideration.
This was particularly dramatic in light of the fact that the UN had consistently lied
about the GBA, repeatedly telling the Senate that no draft of the document existed and
that there were no plans to create one.
Ignoring the law
But the Clinton Administration, the UN, and its radical eco-allies are not about to be
deterred by their defeat in the Senate. In August 1993, the EPA published a Working
Document outlining the Administration's environmental strategy: "Natural resource and
environmental agencies ... should ... develop a joint strategy to help the United States
fulfill its existing international obligations (e.g. Convention on Biological Diversity,
Agenda 21) .... The executive branch should direct federal agencies to evaluate national
policies ... in light of international policies and obligations, and to amend national
policies to achieve international objectives.
"The "Agenda 21" document referred to is the
mammoth blueprint for global eco-socialism unveiled at the 1992 UN "Earth
Summit" in Rio de Janeiro. It sets forth (in the words of Daniel Sitarz, who edited
the mass-marketed edition of the document) "an array of actions which are intended to
be implemented by every person on earth," a plan which "will require a profound
reorientation of all human society, unlike anything the world has ever experienced."
Thus, by its own admission, the Clinton Administration clearly recognizes an
"international obligation" to carry out a UN-mandated "profound
reorientation" of American society. Furthermore, notwithstanding the Senate's refusal
to ratify the Biodiversity Treaty, elements of that treaty have simply been written into
administrative policies governing the Park Service, the Fish and Wildlife Service, the
EPA, and the Bureau of Land Management. The Clinton Administration has also arranged
public subsidies for radical environmental groups that are agitating for implementation of
local and regional versions of the Wildlands design. And as documented above, both the MAB
and World Heritage programs are explicitly carrying out the elements of the Wildlands
Project.
However, resistance to those designs has been steadily growing.
As Americans have learned of the dangers presented by Heritage sites and Biosphere
Reserves, they have organized to block any new designations. In the last several years,
grassroots activists prevented the designations of a Catskills Biosphere Reserve in New
York and an Ozarks Highlands Biosphere Reserve in Southern Missouri and Northern Arkansas.
The most potent weapon in these campaigns was the text of the actual U.S. and UNESCO
documents which boldly presented the true agenda behind the proposed designations. Also of
tremendous value were maps depicting how such sites can be used in implementing the
Wildlands scheme.
Citizen groups in Kentucky, where three Biosphere Reserves have
been created, used the same documentation to convince their state Senate to pass a
unanimous Resolution in June 1997 condemning MAB: "The General Assembly of the
Commonwealth of Kentucky is unalterably opposed to the inclusion of any land within the
borders of the Commonwealth within the purview of the Biodiversity Treaty or any
biodiversity program without the express consent of the General Assembly of the
Commonwealth of Kentucky, as provided by the Constitution of the United States and the
Constitution of Kentucky."
The Clinton Administration's blatant effort to subvert the rule
of law concerning land-use policy in Yellowstone angered conservative members of Congress.
Earlier this year, Congressman Don Young (R-AK) introduced H.R. 901, the American Lands
Sovereignty Protection Act, a bill intended to preserve the sovereignty of the United
States over public lands and acquired lands owned by the United States, and to preserve
state sovereignty and private property rights in non-federal lands surrounding those
public and acquired lands. The bill has 168 co-sponsors and specifically mandates that:
· Any nominated
World Heritage Site get congressional approval before it is so designated.
· Designation of a given site be prohibited if the Department of the Interior finds that
any viable commercial activity will be harmed within the site or a ten-mile buffer zone
around the proposed site.
· The impact of such a designation on any natural resource utilization be defined.
· Federal officials refrain from nominating any new Biosphere Reserves as a UNESCO
Biosphere Reserve.
· Protection be extended to cover non-federal lands intermixed or surrounding a
designated World Heritage Site.
Buffeted by public outcry, UNESCO and the U.S. Park Service have
furiously back-pedaled. Paragraph 14 of the World Heritage Operational Guidelines ¾ which mandates the use of secrecy in nominating sites and excludes
local participation in deliberations ¾ was mysteriously
excised from UNESCO's January 1997 revision of the Operational Guidelines. The U.S. Park
Service also conducted a literal whitewash of the whole operation: It quietly painted over
and reversed all the Park Service entrance signs which had included Word Heritage Site or
Biosphere Reserve designations.
Tools for Tyranny
The means that have been used in pursuit of the UN/IUCN Wildlands Project have been
unconstitutional and conspiratorial. The secrecy is understandable: Each time local
citizens have been informed of the full extent of the Biosphere Reserve, World Heritage,
and related programs, they have been able to effectively stop their implementation. The
role of informed citizens in throwing obstacles in the path of the march to global
governance has repeatedly vindicated Thomas Jefferson's belief that there is "no safe
depository of the ultimate powers of the society but by the people themselves. And if we
think them not enlightened enough to exercise their control with a wholesome discretion,
the remedy is not to take it from them but to inform their discretion by education."
But stopping the march to global governance won't happen unless
principled Americans unite, get the facts straight, and expose the Wildlands Project,
Agenda 21, the World Heritage Convention, the Biosphere Reserve program, and related
endeavors as lethal threats to our independence and constitutional order.
¾ MICHAEL S. COFFMAN, PHD
Dr. Coffman, an environmental consultant, is the executive director
of Sovereignty International. He is the author of Saviors of the Earth (see ad on next
page) and The Dawn of Aquarius or the Twilight of a New Dark Age?
Globalized Grizzlies originally appeared in the August 18, 1997
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